Hikikomori: Finding The Right Treatment For A Hikikomori - best japanese skin care products to buy

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Hikikomori: Finding The Right Treatment For A Hikikomori - best japanese skin care products to buy in japan

by:NOX BELLCOW     2019-11-11
Hikikomori: Finding The Right Treatment For A Hikikomori  -  best japanese skin care products to buy in japan
Hikikomori -
It is best to start with a case study to introduce the Hikikomori issue in Japan.
The literal meaning of Hikikomori in Japanese is "hermit", formally defined by Japan's Ministry of Health as "labor and welfare for those who have withdrawn from society for six months or more.
To understand the seriousness of the problem of Hikikomori in Japan, let's start with the most terrible problem of Hikikomori --
In the past decade, crimes in Japan have been triggered, known as "h-case\'.
H, an ordinary old student, before being labeled Hikikomorian, was described by the teacher as polite and intelligent, hijacking a bus and stabbing passengers.
H, only 17 years old, was labeled by the court as Hikikomorian and described as "hikikomori-" for murder, hijacking and others-
A crime was triggered.
On May 2000, H hijacked a bus and forced the driver to drive 19-
One hour highway odyssey stabbed a passenger.
Despite widespread media coverage of the case as Hikikomori
The crimes caused, the real reasons, and the administrative failure to push H to the limit have not been made public.
At the Hiroshima District Court, all who knew him described him as a gentle boy, a good student and a member of the participating community.
H's parents talked about the "change" of his son's behavior after he failed in the exam and began to withdraw from the outside world ".
After numerous failed attempts to convince their son to leave the bedroom, H's parents sought help from youth welfare centres and mental health professionals, but these institutions rarely provided them with help.
Six years later, they still regret being diagnosed by a doctor with a mental illness that requires hospital treatment.
At first, as H strongly resisted the idea of going to a psychiatric hospital, they were reluctant to agree and they were more willing to wait and other diagnoses.
However, when the doctors say "I still have an obligation to remind the health authorities of your son's mental condition if you wait", they acknowledge that.
If the authorities believe it is necessary to have your son hospitalized, then others may find your son's Hikikomori behaviour.
At the trial hearing, H claimed that he was temporarily mentally ill due to the psychological treatment he experienced, his fragile age and his social retreat.
However, as the facts of the case unfold, it is disturbing that H was shocked --
Treatment and some resistance
His parents took hypoglycemic drugs without knowing it.
Even if his mother asked her son directly about the type of medication that was given to her son, that was the case.
H also admitted that committing the crime was an act of revenge on his parents' "voluntary residency" and a protest against doctors who labeled him as mentally ill.
What is Hikikomori and its controversial definition?
In recent years, the rapid spread of young people in Japan, a serious social retreat phenomenon, has attracted the attention of psychologists Saito Jade Wood and the mass media.
The colorful definitions of Hikikomori flourish, in large part related to negative stories of adolescent mental illness and violence.
In order to control the public's controversy and Health Minister Hikikomori hysteria, the Labor and Welfare Agency officially defined Hikikomori as "those who withdraw from society for six months or more" [1].
Despite the ambiguity of this official label, it has legitimately acknowledged that reclusive youth who refuse to participate in the established norms of society is a social problem, by doing so, adding to the controversy of Hikikomori.
Public discussions and bureaucratic responses to Hikikomori exposed a range of cultural, social and economic issues in Japan, as well as its opaque practices in the institutional and political processes. However, in-
An in-depth analysis of all these problems is beyond the scope of this article.
Find the right treatment for Hikikomori?
The story of hâ€s s is a clash that strikes the Hikikomorian family and the Japanese mental health agency.
In an already tense public health system, Hikikomorian must first be diagnosed with mental illness or mental retardation in order to receive professional treatment, in the event that he or she refuses to carry a psychiatric label, there are few alternative programmes of action.
In accordance with the traditional parental approach controlled by the Ministry of Health, Welfare and Labor (MHWL) and the Psychiatric Review Board (PRB), doctors designed follow a hidden code of practice with very little involvement of patients or their families.
Doctors work according to the guidelines of the Ministry of Health or the local mental health council, who avoid mentioning "hikikomorial" in diagnosis, and generally prefer to mark it as other mental illness.
This course of action by the doctor is reasonable and is intended to protect those who deal with Hikikomori from the negative social stigma that this situation brings.
In fact, this is quite the opposite, and it reinforces the belief that mental illness is more socially acceptable than Hikikomorian.
Under the pressure of this institutional and social framework against Hikikomori and entrusting the welfare of their son to the hospital, hadish's parents were very disappointed that the hospital failed to protect their son and reminded them of the psychological range.
Treatment medication given to their son.
The parents of H x80 x99 are now in the hospital for an answer and are considering bringing a lawsuit against a doctor.
Their plight inspired them to build themselves.
Help the association's hikikomorian parents.
They also use the media to raise public awareness of hikikomori, which is not only a private family issue, but also an urgent issue facing Japan's primary welfare system.
The H case challenged the concept of "voluntary residency" recently enacted under the Mental Health Act 2000 [2], and therefore, the Hikikomorian family usually obeys the doctor's blind faith without questioning the subsequent treatment.
This further raises the question of choice and questions the level of care and effort taken by Japanese mental health providers to the patients they care.
In order to protect Hikikomori patients and their families from the social stigma brought about by this disease, the diagnostic practice of hiding Hikikomori under other recognized psychological diseases is well known in Japanese hospitals.
The hospital encourages this diagnostic practice to be "kind" as it provides a psychological escape path for the patient's family to be free from the shame of Hikikomori.
So many different names of mental illness are used to cover up Hikikomori.
From the prognostic labels of mild mental disorders such as "clinical depression", "Square phobia" or "acute social withdrawal", for extreme cases of "acute mental division" and abnormal neurosis, these are commonly used, and ambiguity is considered a virtue.
The degree and nature of professional manipulation of mental illness names to cover up Hikikomori status reflects the degree of social stigma on the label [3.
Japanese society is increasingly linking Hikikomori patients and their families with the term "katawa", a discriminatory term that describes people with disabilities and intellectual disabilities.
Therefore, families dealing with Hikikomori may do their best to hide the situation in order to protect the reputation of their families [4].
This social environment is the main reason why doctors use their manipulation method of diagnosing Hikikomori, in which misleading a patient is necessary to protect his personal and family interests [5]
According to Dr. Saito Tamaki, he first created the term Hikikomori and ran an outpatient clinic at Sasaki hospital in Chiba prefecture, just tell the patient the name of any disease for the purposes of classification.
While Dr. Saito avoids describing hikikomori as a mental illness, it is easy for him to treat patients through traditional mental methods such as hospital admissions, psychotherapy, and counselling.
However, the customary practice of this diagnosis exacerbated the social stigma of Hikikomorians and enhanced the false belief that mental illness is more than Hikikomorians
Professional supremacy further promoted the chaotic and misleading image of Hikikomori to the public.
1998 Saito wrote that "social retreat must be treated in medicine regardless of the patient's wishes" [6].
Other mental health professionals prefer traditional hermit treatments and consider themselves experts on the problem of Hikikomori, who consider Hikikomori to be a serious psychopathic within society
Oddly enough, Saito was a student of Yushi in the Rice Village, and a famous psychologist in the 1980 s allegedly discovered a new mental illness, he calls it "indifference syndrome" or "tokokyohi", a phenomenon of refusal to attend school in Japan.
Inamura's treatment for indifference syndrome began in 1981, when nearly 5000 teenagers in Inamura were locked in a hospital psychiatric hospital and forced
For weeks in a row, feed the sedatives and food isolated from the parents
All of this is for "healing" skipping classes.
Inamura was eventually forced to abandon aggressive treatment by critics of the mental health profession and media at the time.
Nevertheless, Saito's study of Hikikomori's problems and his philosophy of treatment still mentions the work of his mentor.
Saitor regularly conducts psychotherapy for his Hikikomori patients at Sasaki Hospital and claims a cure rate of 30% [7].
An interesting reason for Japanese doctors to conceal their diagnosis of Hikikomori can be found in the concept of "amae, this is what Takeo Doi describes in his classic "Anatomy of Dependence" with the generation of dependence, the baby's passive love for the mother becomes a key psychological bond with members of Japanese families and adult social groups.
Weaker people in social units may think that the care and help is strong, while stronger people will indulge weaker people and allow and encourage dependencies.
In the case of Hikikomori or other serious mental illness, this dependent social environment proves the need to protect patients from the stigma brought about by disease and new social groups.
The cultural vulnerability of patients enables doctors to normalize weaker people by taking on the role of stronger people, thus controlling the social and medical environment of patients.
However, these broad cultural concepts provide only limited means of interpretation, as such culturally motivated practices may be found elsewhere in the world.
Statistics from the past decade have portrayed a dull image of Japan's mental health.
Japan is the country with the largest number of patients in hospitals with mental illness in the world, and the proportion of beds and hospitals in psychiatric hospitals to the total population has been growing at an alarming rate [8-10]. Long-
Since the beginning of 1920, the term system has been the main treatment for mental patients in Japan.
The average hospital stay in a Japanese psychiatric hospital for 20 years is 41 times the average hospital stay in the United States.
Although the government says the number has declined in recent years due to reforms, Japan remains one of the world's longest average hospital stays.
Certain aspects of the reformed Japanese mental health care system, such as consent-based inpatient treatment, community integration programs, and more localized spiritual review committees, will undoubtedly help to improve the numbers, although other social factors, such as wider social acceptance, privatization, and more mental health-
Conscious labor and work safety laws, and a growing number of public interest groups lobbying to better treat people with mental illness, may have a greater impact.
Although since the promulgation of the Mental Health Act in 1988, the government has encouraged and supported the integration of persons with mental illness into the community and the development of rehabilitation plans, the implementation of such programmes has been slow [1].
The improvement of the mental health system in Japan is not enough for people with mental illness, and recent studies have shown that most Japanese people with mental illness do not have access to mental health care or other support systems.
However, in the health care system itself and in society as a whole, there is growing suspicion about the fundamental issues concerning the future of the mental health situation in Japan.
Public discontent over Japan's mental health problems is high, especially the growing number of new youth mental illness, and Japanese youth have shown
Society or closed House
The behaviour affected by this has forced a reassessment of current practices that have long been deeply rooted in Japan's mental health care system.
It has not been until recent years that the Japanese government has begun to pay attention to the treatment of mental patients and has worked to address the issue of public choice in its closed mental health system.
The media are putting these Hikikomori-
Relevant issues of public concern are a double-edged sword for Hikikomori support groups.
While Hikikomori is on news, popular TV shows, comics and best --
Selling books, in the unusual stories of killing teenagers and teenagers in Japan, is usually stereotypes, consolidating the-
Hikikomori's attitude among readers.
On the other hand, the media has a useful tool that allows Hikikomori interest groups to gain support for their movements and shame mental health institutions.
Scandals in the mental health industry and cases of negligent treatment by Hikikomori have weakened public belief in traditional mental illness.
Doctors are entirely designated by the bureaucracy: there is neither an enforceable public review mechanism such as disclosure and negligence procedures nor an internal policy review system, such as the standard of patient care in the Japanese mental health system and a clear code of ethics reporting.
Japan's reformists are slowly moving into mental health as they build power for patients and seek to establish the principle of informed consent in Japanese medicine.
Obvious signs of this can be observed from the internal part of the mental health profession, which divides doctors who are very resistant to changes in traditional treatment methods, those who are at the forefront of advocating alternative practices involving community and patient engagement.
Therefore, mental health institutions are no longer immune to public criticism of issues such as patient rights and public choices.
This is one of the many parallel benefits that the patient rights movement brings to health care in Japan in general, and patients with mental illness may receive this benefit, for example, the Bar Association supports the idea of informed consent before voluntary residency.
The meaning of "patient consent" and "voluntary admission" is so vague that it is adapted to a wide variety of practices, from the second diagnosis and consultation before consent, to effectively give patient choices without prior consent, to provide patient choices in fully explained treatment options.
The Ministry of Health commissioned some influential reports to investigate the mental health situation in Japan, particularly issues related to Hikikomori, resulting in Mental Health Act 2000.
The legislation has brought a narrow victory to both sides, and its impact has not yet been seen in the current mental health building.
While the Act recognizes the principle of pre-hospital informed consent, it does not codify public accountability and review mechanisms, but gives more control over local governments and PRB, and therefore the professional advantage remains intact.
By definition, what Hikikomori suffered
In terms of social participation, they have limited capacity to challenge public discrimination and health systems.
Nevertheless, the prospects of the Hikikomori family in the fight against discrimination are improving, with increasing local and international support from the self
Online Action Group
Internet, social scientists, media and even some mental health professionals in traditional practice.
The Hikikomorian group expressed its displeasure at the current mental health facility and campaign for greater public support, thus finding ways to challenge the mental health system and becoming hikikom reluctantly recognized by the government
In particular, the current debate on the definition of Hikikomori as a mental illness or its cultural, economic and institutional causes, it shows the habits and attitudes deeply rooted in the parent-Japanese mental health system and widely rooted in Japanese consciousness. 1.
Whether Japanese mental health professionals are suitable for medical treatment
Social behavior forms norms as a serious abnormal situation and therefore requires psychotherapy and institutional control? 2.
This is the traditional parental approach of the Japanese government to control and regulate anti-corruption is desirable or legal.
According to the principles of "voluntary hospitalisation" and "normalization", Social Behavior passes new reforms to the mental health system? 3.
Under the Japanese Mental Health Act, to what extent does the current concept of "informed consent" protect Hikikomorian's basic citizens and human rights?
As far as Hikikomorian's rights are concerned, what is the restriction to regulate hospital stay? 4.
What is the role of the community and education system in anti-corruption rehabilitation
Social behavior? 5.
Is Hikikomori a new phenomenon or a new label for old social issues in Japanese culture such as tokokyohi (refusing to go to school) or otakuzoku (obsessed with anime and manga)6.
Is it reasonable to attribute Hikikomori to a cultural illness specific to Japanese society, or if this assumption continues Nihonjin-
The myth of Japanese culture? 7.
What role does the media play in intensifying problems and stimulating enthusiasm for Hikikomori's behavior?
These questions prove the controversy of the Hikikomori phenomenon.
It continues to generate issues related to the confidential practices and humiliating behaviour patterns of Hikikomori families, mental health professionals, the government and even society at large in Japan, the pattern of economic behavior and reasonable social factors cannot fully explain this.
For an increasing number of families struggling to deal with Hikikomori, the answer is not easy to find, but simply ignoring the question will only exacerbate it in the long run, maybe what we have to ask is why is it that drives your child to lock himself out of the rest of the world?
For some, it may be bullying at school, while for others it may be a fear of failure, or it may be pressure on Japan's highly competitive examination system
No matter what type of single trigger-
Experience may be that it must be found before you begin to help the people of Hikikomori trust the world again.
[1] Health, Labor and Welfare Department 2009 annual report on health and welfare
Special Report of the Ministry of Health and Welfare 2010 and-
Persons with Disabilities aimed at promoting independence and social participation.
[2] See Article 22-3 to 22-
4. Law 2000 relating to mental health and welfare of patients with mental illness, \ 'thereafter, mental health law 2000 '. [3] Itou, J.
"Shkaiteki type single Wo Meguru Tiki has no guidance in possession of Hoken Katudou-
"Tokyo: Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare 2010" mental health activities of the community of social withdrawal.
[4] management classification and social withdrawal (2004) 13 International Journal of Japanese sociology 120. [5] Cartagena, M.
2000. Giko to Qatari No Syakaigaki: Sociology of self and narrative. [6] Saito,T.
Tokyo: PHP kenkyuujyo 1998.
[7] Kuramoto Nobuhiko, "Hikikomori state in three periods of 2005 and White ".
I noticed the youth culture in Japan: Dear dairy company, dear field staff --
Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2003 field trip in Japan. [8] Naganuma Y.
Wait, \ '12-
Monthly use of mental health services in four regions of Japan: results of the World Mental Health Japan survey 2002-
2003, 2006 (60) 2 240 of Psychiatry and Clinical Neuroscience.
[9] matsuoto and others, "the mental health of Japan --
The Japan Times, psychiatric treatment is still in the dark
A series of clans. 12, 2001.
[10] Koizuma & Harris, mental health in Japan, 1992 (43) Hospital and Community Psychiatry 1100.
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